Our essential positions

What distinguishes us :

– The intransigent and continuous defence of integral communism as the real movement of the universal proletariat’s human self-emancipation, who abolishes himself by eradicating money, wage labour and the State…
– The dialectical knowledge of the historical rationality as the self-movement of genuine life for the entire human species recognizing the biological and cosmic materiality of the entirety of its conscious universal unfolding…

“Thus, while the refugee serfs only wished to be free to develop and assert those conditions of existence which were already there, but in the end, only arrived at free labour, the proletarians, if they are to assert themselves as individuals, will have to abolish their own anterior condition of existence (which has, moreover, been that of all society up to the present), namely, abolish labour. Thus, they find themselves directly opposed to the form of society that individuals have chosen for themselves up to today, that is in opposition to the State and they need to abolish the State if they are to realise their individuality.”

Marx – Engels, German Ideology, 1845


The group Guerre de Classe (Class war) basic principles

Communism is nothing else than the universal historical truth of the real movement that produces the total unfolding of the human species. It is neither a program nor a series of recipes emerging from doctrinaire and pretentious brains, it is the carnal passion of radical living, corresponding to the authentic experience of concrete men who simply want to be themselves and get out of the accumulation of the wrenches that are the bases of the period of absolute domination of the commodity. Ever since the Neolithic revolution of barter and exchange tipped the existence into the alienation of labour and calculation, humanity has never ceased to continuously rise up against the grip of quantity to find the way back to conscious human quality aligned with a social production that conforms entirely to real-life human needs. Continuous peasant uprisings to defend the communal life and uninterrupted workers’ seditions to institute the life of the Commune attest that the history of every society has been, up to the present day, the history of the class struggle… From the primitive inward-looking communities that could not resist the competitive clash of the conflicting encounters of the original trade to the universal communism of tomorrow, there is a permanent continuity; it is the one that passes through this ever-present multiple aspiration to liquidate political oppression and economic exploitation in order to bring about the Community of togetherness in a world without money nor State.

Our basic principles as they are exposed here only constitute a brief synthesis of what the critical theory has been able to develop over time from the most maximalist currents stemming from the Ist International, born of Europe’s communard soil that gave birth to the most advanced spirit from the most seditious experiences of human history. The latter undertook, on the one hand, to formalise the revolutionary movement towards the historical realisation of the veridique human community, rid of the State and wage labour and, on the other hand, to denounce all Capital’s lefts and far lefts which, as the supreme level of the reformism of the commodity, have never had any other function than to elaborate the most advanced research laboratories of the triumphal progressivism of despotical freedom of the tyranny of money.

These basic principles are not intended to describe the whole historical process which leads to the final crisis of global capitalism and to the communist emergence of labour’s end. They only aim to underline the few milestones from which such an understanding must be considered such that, as opposed to all the democratic racketeering, from the far left to the far right of Capital, that intend to eternalise the falsified life of democratic exchange, of purchasing and selling, of appearing and having, of anguish, of illusion and marketing lies of the narcissistic economy of the commodity, may finally emerge a radical human examination capable of finding the path to human self-emancipation for the emergence of a universal community of the human species in its entirety.

The group Guerre de Classe (Class war) considers itself as a simple expression among others of the communist current organised within the world proletariat’s general movement, in other words, of all humans who have no power over their existence, which is now entirely diverted by the wage labour dictatorship of Capital’s productive forces. But this does not imply that the group would be the only one to hold the truth nor that the communist current will imperatively organise itself around it, when the revolutionary period of confrontation with the world government of the spectacle of the commodity begins. The truth is exclusively practical and it is only the truth of the time of the capitalist mode of production’s terminal crisis that will unify and homogenise the critical consciousness that is still necessarily scattered and heterogeneous today. The true consciousness of communism will only be able to manifest itself as historical totality once the anti-alienation’s universal development finds the historical capacity to assert itself, in other words, at that moment when the crisis of Capital’s self-dissolution unfolds as the ineluctable course of the Proletariat’s self-negation.


Since 1914, the capitalist mode of production has become the entirety of the world in its alienatory development. Absorbing and abrogating at the same time its anteriority, it has since then entered the phase of the fully realised domination of the commodity, which announces the moment when begins the decadence of the law of value generalised despotism, since Capital, which only lives on exploited human labour, is increasingly bound to self-destruct in a plethoric machinic activity which, even if it allows for faster and cheaper production, yields less and less in terms of real valorisation, since relentless robotization, while generating growing masses of illusory profitability, constantly reduces the effective rate of profit.

The material basis of all societies is domestication of men by labour and the capitalist mode of production is only the most anti-human form of enclosed history, when the work of the domesticated man has become, as totally reified wealth, the purpose of all objects and the object of all purposes. In that context Russia, China and all the other countries with a socialist label, have finally sunk in a generalised crisis which completely unveiled the deceitful nature of their State capitalism and the endemic deficiencies of their production apparatus, which was bound from the start to international market laws, that eventually made them crumble as the tyranny of the planetary commodity reorganised the whole world-factory as the accomplished modernity of the unlimited despotism of the value.

The Capital is historically defined, not by the modes of private or state appropriation which organise the exploitation process, but by the fact that we encounter in it the essential categories that make it possible for Capital to exist: trade, money, mercantile production, wage labour, State… State capitalism spreads or regresses on a global scale depending on the contradictions which cross the space-time of the various periods of crisis. It constitutes a tendency because the competition between the different fractions of the global Capital in the face of the falling rate of profit which leads to the saturation of markets, only exacerbates itself and thus leads successively to nationalisations or partial privatisations, or even to mixed models of economy. But in any case, in all countries, the task of the proletariat is the same: the destruction of all the capitalist rapports of production. In other words, it is not a matter of emancipating labour but of emancipating oneself from labour.



As moments in the geo-political history of the reproduction of falsified life, these struggles can only develop, today like yesterday or tomorrow, within the framework of inter-imperialist conflicts of redistribution of the alienating cards of the world market. The mythology of the constitution of a national capitalism can only have a progressive role from the point of view of the commodity mystifying development and can only prosper at the price of the local proletariat’s over-exploitation. The participation or even critical support of the proletariat in these struggles is always a counter-revolutionary decoy which manipulates and incarcerates the working class by making it serve as pitiful labour and cannon fodder for the benefit of a new local capitalist class, only concerned with autonomizing the productive forces of the national Capital for its own ends, so that it can exploit the human resources within the social and political implantation area of its domination. Faced with the reality of the world market of machinery which forges the worldwide spectacle of the most modern commodity, the class struggle can only be internationalist, as the Communist Manifesto proclaimed as early as 1848. Indeed, proletarians have no commercial homeland to defend… Proletarians of all countries, unite against all the metastases of the commodity reason which wants to bind you to the totalitarian uprootedness of the exchange value in order to deport you to the antipode of the tangible land of the dwellings of the communal land of our carnal birth. Thus, in all the countries of the world, the direct, total and definitive struggle against Capital and all its retrograde or modernist cliques is the only possible way for the proletariat’s communist self-emancipation.



They are a territory of mystifications that perpetuate the democratic ideology of voluntary servitude of votard wanderings, of the insipid debates of submission, of the universal suffrage of enslavement in the egocentric phantasm of the free narcissistic subject, of the City of mercantile responsibilities, of the elected representatives of the mercantile autocracy that Capital uses to mask the underlying class domination and which it organises with a great deal of permanent conditioning.

The proletariat has nothing to do on this morbid territory which only prolongs its slow death in the factory of concentrationary wage labour: neither to participate nor even to abstain. Nor does it have to use it as a “propaganda platform” because it only reinforces the democratic myth of the narcissistic and chimerical individual choice by contributing to conceal the reality of the class struggle towards communism which aims to destroy all the capitalist rapports of the citizenship of the egoistic free movement of individual neuroses poured into the penitentiary of the social achievements of money.


Democracy is the superior dictatorship of the exchange value, where the market becomes man by digesting all the enslaved human intimacy to turn it into the infinite duplication of the fetishism of the commodity. The transition to the real domination of value is the transition to the fully developed capitalist mode of production of democracy as the most accomplished form of the dictatorship of endless profit.

Each time the proletariat was massacred in all of its most radical uprisings, we always find the party of capitalistic order bound together behind the flag of pure democracy as the most pertinent emblem of the progress of the commodity. It is the most advanced modernity of alienation’s productive forces that makes democracy the most terrible prison for men walled up in the spectacle of the accumulation of commodities. And there, the various lefts of Capital are each time in the vanguard of the crushing of the proletariat… The Berlin Commune and Rosa Luxemburg died assassinated in 1919 by decision of the social democracy and the Kronstadt sailors’s Commune was sentenced to death by the whole Bolshevik apparatus of the Leninist-Trotskyist State capitalism in 1921, after this last one had erased all the revolutionary reality of the soviets.

Anti-fascism was the most elaborate capitalist religion of the XXth century which allowed at the same time to crush the fiery proletarian class struggle of that time (notably Barcelona 1937) and to militarise the world population to steer it towards the second imperialist mass grave which legitimised the repartition of the markets and the destruction of the Axis countries in order to advance the democracy of the perfected human atomization. Anti-racism is the most capitalistic religious elaboration of the XXIst century, which allows, after the great communard fright that struck all the employers in front of the great wildcat strike of 1968, to proceed to the great historical replacement of the insurrectionary proletariat of the communal lands of the North by a vast army of immigrant reserves coming from a South ancestrally immobilised in the stagnations of the oriental despotism and of the worship of obedience. The extended immigration tells that the democratic finality of capitalism is the migration of the working class out of its own revolutionary history for the sole purpose of realising the vast worldwide mall of men freely equal in worshipping the market.


The most radical fractions of the world capitalist class, the lefts of the commodity constitute its last bastion. They are the most characteristic political and ideological expression of the most progressive capitalist tendency. Their role is the mystification of the proletariat through the nationalism of mercantile reason, trade unionism, democracy, electoralism, ecologism, feminism, anti-racism and all the renovating impasses that try to dissuade us from thinking about the annihilation of the commodity abjection and seduce us into dying in the cemeteries of the uniform tranquility of the happy narcissistic freedom of the renewed commodity-objects. The leftist puppets are only the extremist guarantee, the most mythomaniac critical support of the improvement of the commodity, the complacent touts of the left of Capital. They must therefore be looked upon and treated as such by the proletariat.

The communist class struggle takes place outside of all the actualising recompositions of Capital that intend to perfect human activity engulfed by the labour of value and fights all those who want to support, in a “critical” way or not, the democratic illusionism which is, in the first place, the other face of the mercantile exchange that was born and developed historically with it on the commercial agora of the first competitions of Having… Proletarian autonomy aims at realising the anti-state dictatorship of the proletariat federated in planetary workers’ councils in order to liquidate all the governmentalist violence of the mercantile order. It is from the beginning of its emergence a refusal of any transition that would preserve a single parcel of the degradation of humanity in the imprisonments of money and wage labour. Even if it will take some time to sweep away all of the horrors of the territorial, technological, scientific and urbanistic organisation of capitalist schizophrenia, it goes without saying that it will be necessary to make immediately an uncompromising rupture with everything that makes up the social organisation of prostration before the labour of non-life. In this way, the communist revolution will destroy all the constructions that make humanity a herd of monads reified in the carceral solitude of the stores of the citizenship of the total dehumanisation of the human being.


It does not aim at nationalisations, workers’ control or direct management of the factories and countrysides of the capitalist scene, which are only the rescue solutions of the system of the crap of political economy. It has only one objective: THE DESTRUCTION OF CAPITAL, COMMODITY, EXCHANGE, WAGE LABOUR AND THE STATE ON A WORLDWIDE LEVEL. For this, the social movement of integral communization, by attacking the whole of the capitalist relations of the spectacle of servitude, and in order to advance to the emergence of the universal human community, will be forced to destroy from top to bottom the economy and the politic, domesticating expressions of the domination of the law of value, and this on the scale of the whole planet. Indeed, in order to negate itself as the last class of history, the proletariat can only affirm itself first as its own self-abolition, that is to say as the total human activity of anti-labor, anti-money and anti-State…



It is at the same time a historical product of the refractory social movement and an active factor in the theoretical-practical development of this dialectical movement.

The groups that arise here and there to affirm the continuity of the historical communist current, between the cycles of revolution and counter-revolution, are consequently not separated from the proletarian class in the movement of its general revolutionary constitution. Thus, they cannot aim to represent it, to lead it or to substitute it. In the different phases that the struggle between proletarians and capitalists goes through, these groups try to represent, in spite of everything, the radical critique and the interests of the movement as a whole.

Practically, the communist groups are therefore the fraction that tries to be the most resolute of the proletarian historical movement of all countries, the recalcitrant tendency that bridges the failures of the past and the re-surgences to come and that tries to sharpen all the protesting social appearances towards the most extremist radicality possible.

Theoretically, they define themselves in an anti-elitist way in relation to the rest of the proletariat by the fact that they possess, according to the historical conditions, their experience and the methodological gains that result from it, a clearer understanding of the conditions, of the march and of the general ends of the dialectic of the movement towards the proletariat’s self-abolition. But this does not give them any prerogative or primacy, only the ability to undertake to apprehend with humility the determinism of the dialectic of the historical humus that explains why what is cannot not be…

Their intervention has as its main axis the participation in the struggles of the proletarian movement against the spectacle of the commodity while systematically denouncing within it, the renovating mystifications of Capital and all the reformist ideologies of its defenders. Its objective being to contribute to the formation of maximalist workers’ groups that will be, by their spontaneous coordination and extension, milestones of critical consciousness towards the organic constitution of the autonomous organisation of the revolutionary proletariat. This practice can obviously only be conceived on a planetary scale in the radical and centralised perspective of the WORLDWIDE MAXIMALIST PRACTICE OF UNIVERSAL PROLETARIAT, FROM THE TERMINAL CRISIS OF CAPITAL TO THE SURGING OF THE UNIVERSAL HUMAN COMMUNITY.

Historically, the first world war has marked the beginning of the decadence of capitalism, which has known since its passage into real domination insoluble contradictions at the level of the spectacle of its general reproduction, coming from the division of the imperialist world. Capitalism encloses humanity in a permanent cycle of self-destruction increasingly ferocious – crisis, war, reconstruction, crisis,… – which by perpetuating the world factory of humanity enslaved to the despotism of unrestrained monetization is the most perfect expression of the fact that the capitalist mode of production finds itself increasingly unable to reproduce the reproduction of its power. If 1914 marked the full domination of the law of value in the beginning of its realisation and 1968 the end of the beginning of this domination in realisation, we have entered, since the banking and monetary crises of the present century, into the beginning of the end of the technological and financial vampirism by which the capitalist mode of production is set upon slowing down the explosive tendencies of a time which now carries within itself all the active seeds of the self-dissolution of the commodity-spectacle as such. From now on, Capital in its multiple metamorphoses in the debauchery of the fake credit of the situations of valorisations that are increasingly imaginary, has touched the historical point where it can only materialise through a completely phantasmagorical headlong rush in order to try to escape from its incapacity of being able to reproduce its insurmountable global over-production.

Universalised capitalist disorder has thus become the condition of the universal order of Capital. Banking chaos, terrorist chaos, migratory chaos… The government of the worldwide spectacle of the commodity constantly lights diversion fires to remodel everywhere the machinery of exploitation through the social edifice of ever worsening global servitude. For the only emergency, obviously, is to prevent as long as possible the ignition of the gigantic blaze of the world class struggle as Capital tends to reach the unsurpassable historical barrier against which it will break and which sets the objective content of the communist revolution.

The proletariat must admit no mediation between itself and its revolutionary self-negation towards communism, therefore no organisation other than its own movement of total liquidation of labour, money and the State. What will allow the class to understand definitively the practical historical movement of the revolutionary defeats of the past, by drawing all the theoretical lessons from them, is the revolutionary recovery that will begin to reappear from the real conditions of the incoming definitive crisis of Capital and according to the fact that the universally realisable human community is the dialectical consequence of the social imperialism of the universal commodity that has become un-realizable.


Anchored in the future of all generations and throughout the thread of critical time; from the radical struggles that range from the end of the first limited communities to the universality of the uprising for a community of human activity without money nor State, through all the passions that have not ceased to work towards the historical affirmation of the self-emancipation of the human Being…

1818: Birth of Karl MARX

1918: Communist movement of councils throughout the whole of seditious Europe.

1968 : Generalized wildcat strike

2018 : The Guerre de Classe (Class war) group is founded in the perspective of the communist revolution for the practical and theoretical formation of the Generalised Communist arising and the critical re-appropriation of the universal human Community as an understanding of the total existence of living Nature.